The Rest is History Episode 638 Revolution in Iran: The Hostage Crisis (Part 3) On 4th November 1979 students broke into the US embassy and took 72 hostages in what they thought would be a short 3-day takeover. At the time Iran was governed by an interim government, but power was increasingly held in the hands of the mullahs, who feared that mooted reforms would undermine the revolution. This was not the first attempt that students had made on the embassy: Khomeini himself called off an earlier protest at the embassy a short while earlier. By now there were few US embassy staff left, and Ambassador Sullivan (who Carter never liked anyway) had been sacked and not replaced. Sullivan warned the US not to let the ailing Shah into the US, but he but he ended up being let in anyway after going first to Romania, then Egypt before dying on 27 July 1980. We need to remember that 1979 was only four years after the fall of Saigon, and the images from that were still strong in public memory. Six embassy staff were able to escape, and the others were split up and sent to separate prisons. They were held captive for 444 days. Khomeini’s initial response was to kick them out, but he later changed his mind when he saw the hostages’ symbolic value. The US thought that they could negotiate their release, but Khomeini and his government didn’t want to release them. Each side saw the other as Evil, with religious overtones of the Great Satan. By this time radical Islam had spread world wide, and there was a sense of Western failure. Carter was facing election and he needed to do something so on 22 March 1980 Carter unveiled his plan to rescue the hostages.
Journey Through Time Episode 64 The Spanish Civil War: A Nazi Training Ground (Episode 3) The Battle of Jarama, on 6-27 February 1937 was an attempt by Franco to dislodge the Republican fighters east of Madrid. The International Brigades, including the Lincoln Battalion, were sent in completely unprepared, with insufficient and mismatched ammunition, insufficient maps and poor communications and the battle was over in hours. Technically the Republicans won, but it was a huge psychological defeat for them. Both sides used the battle for propaganda purposes: the Republicans lauded the ‘noble sacrifice’ while the Nationalists reveled in the German expertise to which they had access and they denied the atrocities committed. The role of foreign correspondents was important: Hemingway supported the anti-Fascist loyalists and their sacrifice, and by this time Kim Philby had arrived and was embedded with Franco as a British journalist but was feeding intelligence to Moscow. The International Brigades rebuilt themselves, but now they had more political oversight. Despite being volunteers, deserters were executed because they were an army. By Spring 1937 there were two competing narratives: one that the International Brigade were being used as cannon fodder versus the idea that ordinary people could stop fascism.
The Rest is Classified Episode 102: Putin’s Secret Army: Criminals and Cannibals (Episode 5) By 2022 Russia was making its plans for Ukraine, and because it was framing it as a ‘special military operation’, Russia found itself having to turn to the Wagner mercenary forces again because they didn’t want to officially call up troops. At its peak, Wagner had 85000 troops in Ukraine, sourced by going to the prisons and offering a pardon to prisoners in exchange for 6 month’s fighting: a good deal if you were facing a long sentence. However, the Wagner troops were used as cannon fodder, or “meat waves” where they were used to exhaust the Ukrainian troops before the better-trained Russian troops came in. By this time, Prigozhin was no longer coy about identifying himself with Wagner or the Internet Research Agency. He had aligned himself with hypernationalists, and was pushing to have full mobilization of Russian Troops.
Episode 103: Putin’s Secret Army: The Coup That Almost Brought Down Russia (Episode 6) By now, Prigozhin’s Wagner group was not the only mercenary army fighting in Ukraine, and the Ministry of Defence (which had never liked him and wanted to distance itself from him) was happy about the competition and not having to rely so heavily on Prigozhin. At the Battle of Bakhmut, Prigozhin’s troops were being used as cannon fodder, perhaps deliberately by the Ministry of Defence. Prigozhin began producing videos criticizing the leadership for incompetence and lack of support. When the Ministry of Defence ordered all mercenary troops to be under the directives of the Ministry, Prigozhin marched back to Russia, calling for people to rise up and join him. They didn’t. The President of Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko (an ally of Putin’s) talked him down, and suddenly it was over. Had the march on Russia been a coup or a negotiating tactic? Two months to the day after the march on Moscow, the jet in which Prigozhin and all his leadership group were travelling plunged to earth, with all on board to die. It was all over, although Prigozhin showed the brittleness of the Russian system, and was the most significant elite challenge to Putin’s power.



